注册 登录  
 加关注
   显示下一条  |  关闭
温馨提示!由于新浪微博认证机制调整,您的新浪微博帐号绑定已过期,请重新绑定!立即重新绑定新浪微博》  |  关闭

bright的博客

一生与教育有缘

 
 
 

日志

 
 
关于我

大学毕业从教师,校长,局长,部长,书记---到评职称还当教师任主任督学,教研员. 有人说傻,但我无悔.退休还能搞专业当课题顾问,编英语读物, 从基础教育,职工教育到老年大学教育---一生与教育有缘.

网易考拉推荐
GACHA精选

【转载】1789 First Inaugural Address of George Washington  

2015-04-27 08:55:53|  分类: 英语教师 |  标签: |举报 |字号 订阅

  下载LOFTER 我的照片书  |
1789 First Inaugural Address of George Washington - 快乐英语 - 学好英语 改变人生

 1789 First Inaugural Address of George Washington


THE CITY OF NEWYORK
THURSDAY, APRIL 30, 1789
Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:
Among the vicissitudes incident to life no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than
that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the
present month. On the one hand, I was summoned by my Country, whose voice I can never hear
but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and,
in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years--a retreat
which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit
to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by
time. On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country
called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a
distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who
(inheriting inferior endowments from nature and unpracticed in the duties of civil administration)
ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver
is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every
circumstance by which it might be affected. All I dare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have
been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate
sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, and have thence too
little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me,
my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me, and its consequences be judged by
my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.
Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to
the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent
supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of
nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that His benediction may
consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a Government
instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed
in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this
homage to the Great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses
your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow- citizens at large less than either. No
people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of
men more than those of the United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the
character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of
providential agency; and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their
united government the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct
communities from which the event has resulted can not be compared with the means by which
most governments have been established without some return of pious gratitude, along with an
humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage. These reflections,
arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed.
You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the
proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence.
By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the President "to
recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient." The
circumstances under which I now meet you will acquit me from entering into that subject further
than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled, and which, in
defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more
consistent with those circumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to
substitute, in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the
talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt
them. In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local
prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the
comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities
and interests, so, on another, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and
immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of free government be exemplified
by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the
world. I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can
inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy
and course of nature an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness; between duty and
advantage; between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid
rewards of public prosperity and felicity; since we ought to be no less persuaded that the
propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of
order and right which Heaven itself has ordained; and since the preservation of the sacred fire of
liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered, perhaps, as
deeply, as finally, staked on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people.
Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain with your judgment to decide
how far an exercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article of the Constitution is
rendered expedient at the present juncture by the nature of objections which have been urged
against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them. Instead of
undertaking particular recommendations on this subject, in which I could be guided by no lights
derived from official opportunities, I shall again give way to my entire confidence in your
discernment and pursuit of the public good; for I assure myself that whilst you carefully avoid
every alteration which might endanger the benefits of an united and effective government, or
which ought to await the future lessons of experience, a reverence for the characteristic rights of
freemen and a regard for the public harmony will sufficiently influence your deliberations on the
question how far the former can be impregnably fortified or the latter be safely and
advantageously promoted.
To the foregoing observations I have one to add, which will be most properly addressed to the
House of Representatives. It concerns myself, and will therefore be as brief as possible. When I
was first honored with a call into the service of my country, then on the eve of an arduous struggle
for its liberties, the light in which I contemplated my duty required that I should renounce every
pecuniary compensation. From this resolution I have in no instance departed; and being still under
the impressions which produced it, I must decline as inapplicable to myself any share in the
personal emoluments which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the
executive department, and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station in
which I am placed may during my continuance in it be limited to such actual expenditures as the
public good may be thought to require.
Having thus imparted to you my sentiments as they have been awakened by the occasion which
brings us together, I shall take my present leave; but not without resorting once more to the benign
Parent of the Human Race in humble supplication that, since He has been pleased to favor the
American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for
deciding with unparalleled unanimity on a form of government for the security of their union and
the advancement of their happiness, so His divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the
enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on which the success of this
Government must depend.

  评论这张
 
阅读(55)| 评论(0)
推荐 转载

历史上的今天

在LOFTER的更多文章

评论

<#--最新日志,群博日志--> <#--推荐日志--> <#--引用记录--> <#--博主推荐--> <#--随机阅读--> <#--首页推荐--> <#--历史上的今天--> <#--被推荐日志--> <#--上一篇,下一篇--> <#-- 热度 --> <#-- 网易新闻广告 --> <#--右边模块结构--> <#--评论模块结构--> <#--引用模块结构--> <#--博主发起的投票-->
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

页脚

网易公司版权所有 ©1997-2018